He participated in the debates on important
resolutions, e.g., those relating to free and
compulsory primary education, the prohibition
of recruitment of Indian indentured labour to
the British colonies, nationalisation of railways,
etc. The emigration of indentured labour was
finally abolished at his instance, probably
in 1917. He opposed the Press Act and the seditious
meetings Act. He suggested (Budget Speech, 1912)
the establishment of village panchayats and
the training of Indian Boys as scouts.
He took a keen interest in the industrial development
of the country and was therefore appointed a
member of the Indian Industrial Commission in
1916. In his minute of dissent he made some
important suggestions, one of which was that
an Imperial Polytechnic Institute
should be established for giving the highest
instruction on science and technology. He strongly
opposed the Criminal law Emergency Bill, which
was based on the report of the Sedition Committee,
popularly known as the Rowlatt Committee, and
the Indemnity Bill in 1919 to exonerate
Government officers from excesses committed
by regime. His speeches made a great impression
on the public.
In view of the non-cooperation movement started
by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920, he did not seek election
to the Indian legislative Assembly in 1921.
But he was a member of the Assembly from 1924
to 2 April 1930. He resigned shortly after the
salt satyagraha started by Mahatma Gandhi and
took part in it. During this period he was as
active a legislator as he was before. He opposed
the grant of concessions to the I.C.S. recommended
by the Lee Commission in 1924. He supported
the demand for the grant of full Dominion Status
to India put forward by Pandit Motilal Nehru
the same year.
Because of his dissatisfaction with the existing
constitutional position he voted every year
against the Finance Bill. In 1928 he supported
the demand that the Assembly should not co-operate
with the Indian Statutory Commission (Simon
commission). He was invited to the Round Table
Conference in 1931, but he inevitably returned
dissatisfied with the attitude of the British
Government.
The Benares Hindu University which was perhaps
Malaviyas greatest achievement, will remind
future generations of the keen interest that
he took in the education of the mind and the
spirit. It was his deep love for Hindu culture
and the spiritual ideas embodied in Hindu religious
books that gave birth to the idea of establishing
the Hindu University. The importance that he
attached to the economic development of the
country made him combine the teaching of science
and technology with that of religion.
The Colleges of Agriculture, Engineering, Mining,
Metallurgy and Geology, the Ayurvedic College
and an Allopathic Hospital, which was named
after Pandit Sunder Lal, the first Vice-Chancellor
of the University, were started soon after the
establishment of the University. This made the
Hindu University pre-eminent among the then
existing Indian Universities.
The scheme drawn up by Malaviyaji was the result
of discussion with his friends and the valuable
co-operation of Mrs. Annie Besant, the Maharajadhiraj
of Darbhanga and the Maharaja of Benares. The
Benares Hindu University Act was passed on 1
October 1915, and the foundation stone of the
University was laid by the Victory, Lord Hardinge,
on 4 February 1916. The University building
were declared open by the Prince of Wales (later
Duke of Windsor) on 13 December 1921.
But Malaviyaji had issued an appeal for a crore
of rupees in July 1911 and begun touring the
country for the collection of Funds towards
the end of 1911. He had collected Rs. 35 lakhs
by the time the foundation stone of the University
was laid. He was Vice-Chancellor of the University
from 1919 to 1938 when he resigned on account
of ill-health. He was succeeded by Dr. Radhakrishnan.
Malaviya was the Rector of the University from
1939 till his death.
There were several well-known writers of Hindi
during the latter part of the 19th century;
for instance, Bharatendu Harish Chandra, Raja
Shiva Prasad and Balmukund Gupta. Because of
this there was some cultural awakening among
the Hindus at the time. Malaviya also wrote
poems and articles in Hindi when he was young
and valued Hindi as a means of educating the
masses. In those days the language of the courts
in the U. P. (then called N.W.P.) was Urdu.
Malaviya advocated the use of the Devanagari
script along with that of the Persian script
in the courts. He submitted a well-reasoned
memorial about it, after three years of research,
in 1898 to the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Anthony
MacDonnell, who accepted the memorialists
request. This led unfortunately to no little
agitation by the Muslims against the Lt.-Governors
order on the use of Hindi in the district courts.
It must, however, be said in fairness to Malaviya
that he was never hostile to Urdu. In fact,
he used to say that a man who knew Hindi should
know Urdu and English also and he taught his
son, Govind, Urdu while both of them were in
jail. His
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speeches could be equally well understood by
those who knew either Hindi or Urdu.
Malaviya was a conservative in social matters.
He believed in the Varnashrama drama
(caste system). He was, however, prepared to
adjust himself to social changes in the country
to a limited extent, but wanted to take the
leaders of the Hindu community and the Benares
pandits with him in matters of social reforms.
He felt strongly the injustice done to the depressed
classes in connection with temple entry and
pleaded their cause before the pandits in 1936
and took out a procession in favour of temple
entry which was joined by the well-known pandits
of Benares and the members of the depressed
classes.
In the twenties he persuaded the pandits of
the reclamation of those members of the depressed
classes who had been converted to other religions
and began their shuddhi (purification)
himself by making them recite the mantras Shri
Ram, Jai Ram, Jai Jai Ram after a bath
in the Ganges. He also favoured the raising
of the position of Hindu women.
In her contribution to the Mahamanya
Malaviyaji Birth Century Commemoration Volume,
1961, Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur has said that
while Malaviyaji never took food or drank water
from the hands of anybody except of a Brahmin
of his own caste - in other matters of social
reform he was most progressive and I was specially
drawn to him by his indignation at the many
disabilities from which Indian women suffered.
He was in favour of inter-marriages between
different groups of the Brahmin caste and one
of his granddaughters was married during his
lifetime to a Brahmin boy outside the Malaviya
fold.
Malaviyajis education as a child and
his home influences determined the development
of his mind and character. He firmly believed
in Hindu dharma and loved our ancient culture.
He read the Bhagvat or the Bhagavad Gita every
morning and had shaped his life in accordance
with the dictates of Hindu dharma. Purity, truth,
tolerance and regard for the interest of all
irrespective of their religion characterised
his early life. In his sacrifice for the cause
of Indian freedom he could compare with Mahatma
Gandhi himself.
His schemes always had a large element of idealism
in them, but he never lost sight of the realities
of the situation. Many leaders, including Gopal
Krishna Gokhale, regarded him as highly unpractical
when he said he wanted to appeal for a crore
of rupees for the Hindu University, but he actually
collected as much as 155 lakhs by 1939.
He occupied a very high position in Indian
public life and his public activities were numerous.
The freedom struggle, the economic development
of the country, promotion of indigenous industries,
education, religion, social service, the development
of Hindi and other matters of national importance
continued to occupy his attention as long as
he lived.
He was the President of the All India Seva
Samiti from 1914 till 1946. C. F. Andrews has
rightly said, No one, not even Mahatma
Gandhi himself is dearer to the vast majority
of the Hindu public. He has also a great record
of devotion to the public national service which
places him very high indeed among those Indians
leaders who are still living in our own times.
He was easily accessible and helpful even to
the humblest Indian. Even when he could give
no help he comforted the sufferers from injustice
by listening patiently to their grievances and
saying a few words of sympathy. The appeal of
poor students, whether Hindu or Muslim, for
financial help to complete their education always
touched a responsive chord in his heart, and
not unoften he went beyond the University regulations
to help them. A Muslim student once complained
to him of the unsatisfactory messing arrangements
in his hostel. Malaviya was greatly pained to
hear this and said, My kitchen is always
open to you.
His personal life was very simple. He was always
dressed in immaculate white and was appreciatively
called the spotless Pandit by Sir
Guy Fleetwood Wilson, who was Finance Member
of the Viceroys Execution Council, partly
during the time of Lord Minto and partly during
that of Lord Hardinge. He was known for his
gentleness and humility but he did not yield
where principles were concerned.
He had the courage to differ more than once
from the Mahatma even at the risk of the becoming
unpopular. He opposed, for example, the boycott
of schools and colleges, the burning of foreign
cloth and the boycott of the visit of the Prince
of Wales in 1921. It will be true to say that
he considered responsive co-operation a better
policy than civil disobedience.
He was a great source of inspiration to millions
of people. His precepts and practice awakened
their national consciousness and their sense
of duty to their country. Tagore indulged in
no exaggeration when he said of him, Your
clarion call has awakened many parts of the
country and devoted heroes are gathering round
you. May your exhortations touch the heart of
everybody and stir him to action.
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