Gandhi was
chosen as the sole representative of the Congress
to the Conference, which opened in September 1931.
He achieved nothing so far as his main political
mission was concerned; but he succeeded in establishing
genuine contacts with the people of England, before
whom the Indians case was placed in proper perspective.
On the return home on 28 December 1931, Gandhi
was completely disillusioned about the attitude
of the Government which had renewed its policy
of ruthless repression.
As a result the Civil Disobedience Movement was
resumed in January 1932. The Government retaliated
swiftly and brutally. Gandhi and all the leaders
of the Congress were thrust into jail, and the
Congress was declared unlawful. A reign of terror
was let loose.
Gandhi was in prison when the communal Award was
announced in August 1932, providing for the introduction
of separate electorate for the Depressed Classes.
He opposed this attempt to divide the Hindu community
and threatened to fast unto death to prevent it.
He started his fast on 20 September 1932. It created
a consternation in the country, and the leaders
of the Hindu community saved the situation by
concluding an agreement on 25 September, commonly
known as the Poona Pact, which provided for special
reservation of seats for the Depressed Classes
in legislatures, but under joint electorate.
The Civil Disobedience Movement continued for
a few months more, but Gandhi was getting more
and more concerned about the question of untouchability.
On 8 May 1933 he announced a fast for 21 days
for the Harijan cause and he was promptly released
by the Government. After coming out of prison
Gandhi devoted himself exclusively to the cause
of the 'Harijans' (lit. 'People of God', formerly
called the 'untouchables'). The weekly Harijan
now took the place of the Young India which had
served the national cause from 1919 to 1932.
Gandhi also now severed his formal connection
with the Congress (17 September 1934), although
till his death in 1948 he was the acknowledged
leader of the Congress and of Indian nationalism.
After 1934 Gandhi settled down in Sevagram near
Wardha to form a new centre of his enlarged Constructive
Programme, which soon also included Basic Education
(1937), designed to bring about the universalization
of education.
Although officially out of the Congress, Gandhi's
strong grip on the organisation was clearly demonstrated
in 1938-39 during his dispute with Subhas Chandra
Bose, the leader of the leftist or extremist group
on the Congress. Subhas, no doubt, was elected
President of the Congress for the second time
in 1939 despite the almost open opposition of
Gandhi, but Gandhi's triumph was swift and complete
when within a few months Subhas had not only to
resign his Presidentship but was excluded from
the Congress altogether.
This controversy between Gandhi and Subhas was
not only one of personality but also of ideology.
The Second World War was approaching. While Subhs
wanted to take advantage to the international
situation by taking up a more positive policy
for wresting India's freedom, Gandhi was averse
to reaping any benefit from Britain's difficulty.
However, when the war broke out and India was
dragged into it without her consent, even Gandhi
felt it necessary to protest.
The first step was the resignation of the Congress
Ministries in the Provinces and the second step
was the Individual Satyagraha in 1941. There were
many in the country who were dissatisfied with
the way in which Gandhi and Congress were dragging
their feet and wanted a more active policy, specially
when Britain turned down all the overtures from
the Congress for a political settlement.
The Allied reverses in the East and the failure
of the Cripps Mission (1942) gave a new turn to
the Indian political situation. Gandhi felt that
for India to sit inactive would be suicidal, and
he advised the Congress to make a last bit for
winning independence non-violently, even if there
was likelihood of misunderstanding by friend and
foe alike.
It would be better for India to "Do or Die" than
for her to succumb to passivity and moral degradation.
The Working Committee and the A.I.C.C. adopted
the famous 'Quit India' resolution, demanding
immediate independence and British withdrawal
from India. Immediately after, all the Congress
leaders were clamped into prison (9 August 1942).
There Gandhi lost his life-long companion Kasturba.
His release came in 1944.
After 1944 Gandhi's influence in the Congress
preceptibly waned. When at the end of the war
the Labour Party came to power in 1945 and wanted
to reach a political settlement with India, the
real spokesmen for the Congress were Azad, Nehru
and Patel. Gandhi was no doubt elevated to a higher
plane, but any student of Indo-British constitutional
negotiations in 1946-47 has to admit that the
new leadership in the Congress was not that deferential
to Gandhi's views.
On 24 March 1946, a British Cabinet Mission arrived
in Delhi with the proposal of setting up a Constituent
Assembly which was finally to decide the future
fate of India. Differences arose between the Congress,
the Muslim League and the British Government over
many of the terms. In consequence, the League
launched upon 'Direct Action' on 16 August 1946.
Communal riots started in Calcutta and spread
into East Bengal and Bihar soon afterwards. Instead
of working for a settlement between leaders at
the top, Gandhi went toNoakhali in East Bengal
in order to rouse the masses to set things right
by their own effort, rather than place exclusive
reliance on those at the top. But in this endeavour
Gandhi was fighting a lone battle.
In the meanwhile the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten,
proposed a partition of India (June 1947) before
a peaceful transfer of power could take place.
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Gandhi's
alternative was for the country to reject the
proposal and prepare for another massive civil
disobedience movement. The national leaders, however,
found themselves unprepared for this. So, by mutual
consent between the Congress and the League, power
was transferred on 15 August 1947 to a partitioned
country.
That day found Gandhi in Calcutta. His presence
and a fast undertaken by him restored peace in
the city, and he left for Delhi on 7 September
1947. The next five months were spent there, when
he spoke every evening to the people as well as
to the Government as to what they should do in
order to lay the foundation of true 'Swaraj'.
On 13 January 1948, he undertook his last fast
because his feelings were that neither the public
nor the Government were doing enough for restoring
communal harmony.
Shortly after, he also decided that the Congress
organization should be disbanded, and its workers
spread all over the country, in its 7 1/2 lakhs
of villages (the total number of villages in India
before partition), in order to educate and organize
the masses to make proper use of their Constitutional
rights.
The communal holocaust of 1946-47 and Indo-Pakistani
relations had deeply agitated the people in India.
In this context Gandhi's solicitude for the Muslims
of India was widely misunderstood. On 30 January
1948, he was assassinated by a young Hindu while
he was on his way to his prayer meeting in the
city of Delhi.
Despite all controversies about Gandhi's role
in the history of Indian nationalism there is
no denying the fact that he was the dominant figure
on the Indian political scene from the end of
World War I to the achievement of independence.
During this period he swayed the Congress and
the nationalist movement in a way which no one
else could do. Whether a four-anna member of the
Congress or not, he was looked upon as the leader.
He was the initiator of all Congress policies
and the maker of all important decisions. The
Working Committee and the A.I.C.C. merely gave
a formal seal of approval. Even the other political
parties and the British Government considered
him as the principal spokesman of the Congress.
It was only on the eve of partition and independence
in 1947 that he seemed to have lost some of his
old influence with the leading figures in the
Congress.
His opposition to the partition proposal till
almost the last had little effect. After independence,
while the leaders of the new government made him
a venerable figure, they paid little serious attention
to his ideas on the disbandment of the Congress
Party, political decentralisation, administrative
purity, rural economy and national reconstruction.
By the time of his death the one-time leader had
become only a legendary figure. How Gandhi would
have reacted if he had another decade to live
is one of the interesting speculations of history.
Gandhi was not only a man of action but also a
man of ideas. So many detailed studies have been
made on his philosophy of life and on his political,
social, religious and economic ideas that it is
impossible to compress them within the limits
of a short biographical sketch. All that can be
attempted is to give a broad and general outline
of his ideas in some of the major fields.
Gandhi has been looked upon by many primarily
as a man of religion; by others as a leader of
Indian nationalism. But the idea of nationalism
which he preached was that every nation should
develop and utilise its resources for the common
good of the whole human family. On the question
of non-violence, he firmly held that only such
things could be defended by nonviolence as had
been gained by non-violence, i.e. without exploitation.
Once he described himself as a socialist who believed
in 'war', but with no trace of violence in it.
Persuasion through courageous action, in which
one did not inflict punishment on an opponent
but took punishment on oneself while withdrawing
co-operation from evil institutions, was how he
wanted to transform human relationships, and bring
into being new institutions. In the Swaraj of
his conception, 'the means of production of the
elementary necessaries of life' were to be in
the control of the masses; and they should be
'able to control authority when abused' even by
means of their unarmed strength.
One of his chief reliances was upon the Basic
Scheme, where education of the head, heart and
hand of the child was imparted though some useful
craft. In this, he came close to Dewey, or perhaps
nearer to Kropotkin.
In personal appearance Gandhi was dressed in an
unsewn piece of cloth with a similar covering
for the upper body. He was very regular and methodical
in his habits, and austere in his simplicity of
living.
In religious matters, he loved to call himself
a 'Sanatani' Hindu; although on many questions
of social reform, he relied more on reason, or
his deep compassion for suffering humanity, in
order to interpret the scriptures in his own way.
As he spoke in the language of the common people,
whether in style or in imagery, they responded
to him also with great readiness.
Gandhi respected the sincere religious belief
of every individual, if the latter was also prepared
to suffer for it. Like a good Hindu, he held that
every man saw truth only in fragments. Each should,
therefore, live according to his own light, and
at the same time grant the same freedom to others.
If one had to oppose the views of others, if his
commitment to truth demanded it, the opposition
should be by nonviolence rather than by violence.
Gandhi held non-violence was thus the guarantee
of democracy or of the freedom of faith.
In this personal dealings with men and women of
all shades, he was deeply human, and would do
everything to alleviate the sufferings of even
the smallest of those who came to him for succour.
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